‘Dera Ike, [Truman wrote on December 18th.]
‘The columnists, the slick magazines and all the political people who like to speculate are saying many things about what is to happen in 1952.
‘As I told you in 1948 and at our luncheon in 1951, do
what you think best for the country. My own position is in the balance. If I do what I want to do, I’ll go back to Missouri and maybe run for the Senate.7 If you decide to finish the European job (and I don’t know who else can) I must keep the isolationists out of the White House. I wish you would let me know what you intend to do. It will be between us and no one else.
‘I have the utmost confidence in your judgment and your patriotism.
‘My best to you and Mrs Ike for a happy holiday season.
Most sincerely,
Harry S. Truman.’2
Eisenhower took two weeks to reply and then did so at best guardedly, at worst hypocritically. There was no reciprocation of esteem let alone affection. Reading between the lines it was clear that he was open to political angling. But his formal statement of position, ‘you know, far better than I, that the possibility that I will ever- be drawn into political activity is so remote as to be negligible’ was, to say the least, disingenuous. Five days later Henry Cabot Lodge announced with authority that Eisenhower’s name would be entered in the New Hampshire Republican Primary. Two days after that Eisenhower issued a somewhat unctuous statement of availability for ‘higher duty’.
Truman’s name also was entered, by an over-enthusiastic local supporter, in the New Hampshire Democratic Primary. He tried but failed to get it withdrawn. He was heavily beaten by Senator ‘Cowfever’. Well before that outcome, however, he had made his second unfortunate move. This was to decide that Governor Stevenson, even if he carried a little too much ivy, was the most likely winning candidate, and that he should be summoned to Washington for a placing of the hands upon the head.
The occasion for this act of consecration was a meeting at Blair House after dinner on January 22nd. It was the first time they had attempted to talk intimately. Stevenson had been forewarned by Murphy what would be proposed. This did not however mean that he responded with the crisp and grateful acceptance which Truman expected. Nor, it appears, did he give a clear ‘no’. On the following day Truman reported to Murphy that he had reluctantly said ‘yes’. Stevenson reported to his friends that he had said ‘no’. The confusion is probably to be explained by the fact that the two men understood each other about as well as if they had been conversing in a neutral foreign language which neither understood or spoke easily. The reality however was that Stevenson, while flattered by the offer, was genuinely unsure whether he wanted the nomination, partly because of hesitant ambition, partly because of fear of Eisenhower, and certain that he did not want it as Truman’s surrogate. He believed that any Democrat with a chance of winning would have to offer a new start in Washington and not a continuation of the Truman régime under a new name.
In the course of a few days Truman came to understand that he had not netted his candidate, but not the reasons for this failure. He believed that Stevenson, like a shy Victorian heroine receiving her first proposal of marriage, had been too overwhelmed by the offer to make a rational reply. A little perseverance would probably do the trick.
On March 4th, when President and Governor met for the second time, Truman was forced to accept defeat, although it seems unlikely that many misunderstandings were cleared away, for the account which Truman wrote on the same day of the interview, while happily friendly towards Stevenson, was frankly incredible:
‘Tonight the Governor came to see me at his request to tell me that he had made a commitment to run for re-election in Illinois and that he did not think he could go back on that commitment honorably. I appreciate his view point and I honor him for it … His is an honorable man. Wish I could have talked with him before his announcement. He is a modest man too. He seems to think that I am something of a superman which isn’t true of course.
‘… I told him I could get him nominated whether he wanted to be or not. Then I asked what he’d do in that case. He was very much worried and said that no patriot could say no to such a condition [sic].
‘Then he argued that only I can beat any Republican be he Taft, Eisenhower, Warren, or anyone else! My wife and daughter had said the same thing to me an hour before. What the hell am I to do? I’ll know when the time comes because I am sure God Almighty will guide me.’3
Truman in fact turned more for guidance to ChiefJustice Vinson, who had the advantage of being resident in Washington. He had him, Charles Murphy and a few others to one of his last dinners in Blair House. They were discouraging. The rest of the story is told vividly, as usual, by his daughter: ‘Later, he convened a larger meeting, which included the whole White House staff as well as several congressional leaders. At this meeting he polled the entire room –a dozen or more—and asked each man what he thought. Although they gave varying reasons, not one of them thought he should run again. Mother felt the same way. So did I. Mother’s opinion carried a lot more weight than mine, of course. Dad decided that the verdict seemed to be unanimous.’4